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Golden Age Hollywood

Film Noir and the Great Depression

By Ryan Fallon

When the Stock Market crashed in 1929, and subsequently led to the greatest economic collapse in American history, it did so in the midst of a steady climb of audience admissions for a burgeoning movie industry at the beginning of the 1930s. In addition to the financial turmoil that America was now steeped in, the advent of sound in motion pictures and the disappearance of silent films that had been universally popular in the 1920s led to a slowdown in admissions. However, beginning in 1934, admissions to films began to steadily climb again, and continued to do so throughout the rest of the decade and into the wartime years. Despite the widespread financial ruin the Depression had inflicted upon the country, American audiences returned to the movies in the mid-1930s in search of the escapism that cinema offered, primarily in the form of comedy films, westerns and musicals. 

Amidst the Depression-era blossoming of American cinema, both as an industry and an artform, a new genre formed: film noir. Recognized now for its aesthetic features, such as minimal lighting and use of darkness and shadows, as well as its depictions of the more nefarious aspects of American society, film noir has come to be associated with America’s postwar socio-political anxieties. Inner-city crime, atomic-age paranoia, the Communist threat, urban decay, postwar suburbanization, drug and alcohol abuse, mental illness and the criminal underworld became staples of the noir films that came to define the genre from the late 1940s to the early 1960s, as depicted in films like The Killers (1946), The Big Sleep (1946), Criss Cross (1949), Kiss Me Deadly (1955), Touch of Evil (1958) and Shock Corridor (1963).

However, while film noir can be seen as both an exorcism of the collective trauma sustained during and after World War II and a reflection of the country’s paranoid psyche at the onset of the Cold War, the roots of these films can be traced back almost two decades prior, where, as film historian Eddie Mueller states, the noir genre was born in response to the economic turmoil of the early 1930s: “Frankly, I think the Depression was a bigger influence [on film noir] than World War II…the writers that influenced the more adult content and attitude found in film noir created their essential work in the thirties.”

With the economic suffering that moviegoing audiences experienced in the wake of the Depression, elements of early film noir, or what historian Joel Dinerstein calls “emergent noir”,  became more pervasive in American cinema from the early 1930s until the mid-1940s. proceeding chronologically, this essay examines how these early films reflected the fears and social anxieties of American audiences amidst the country’s economic downfall, as well as breaking down what these films had to say about the crisis of capitalism during the Depression era. 

The genesis of the noir genre began in the pre-code years of the early 1930s (1930-1934) with the production of “gangster” films. Released directly after the 1929 Crash and at the onset of the Depression, gangster films like Little Caesar (1931), The Public Enemy (1931), The Secret Six (1931), Quick Millions (1931), City Streets (1931), Scarface (1932), I Am a Fugitive from a Chain Gang (1932) and Picture Snatcher (1933) were instrumental in establishing the criminal “protagonist” that operated in society without a moral code. 

The gangsters in these films occupied two different roles in the early crime cinema of the 1930s. Firstly, gangsters were interpreted by moviegoing audiences as stand-ins for corporate capitalists that had been to blame for America’s financial freefall. Within this context, audiences equated criminal gangdom with the gross overindulgence and corporate corruption inherent in capitalism, and in doing so, associated the idea of the businessman with that of a violent criminal. Often portrayed by Paul Muni, Edward G. Robinson and James Cagney, the capitalist/gangster subtext was further compounded by the depictions of characters describing their criminal syndicates as “businesses” and “organizations” that used crime to turn “profits”, often ending with the gangster’s grisly demise, which was seen by audiences as a come-uppance for banks and financial institutions that had allowed for the crash to happen.  

However, as the gangster films progressed in the early 1930s, a second role which the gangster occupied developed: the anti-authoritarian revenge character. Seen by audiences as a justified, vigilante figure, rather than a capitalist thug, Joel Dinerstein writes that this change in character provided “a revenge narrative…it provided a vicarious outlet for those who felt cheated of their savings, hopes, and future, without sacrificing the myth of upward social mobility.” It is in these films that the noir trope of the alienated, morally ambiguous protagonist, that would come to be a staple of the postwar noirs, was established. The anti-authoritarian attitude of the gangsters in the early 1930s crime films was also critical to the molding of this new noir character, one who acted in desperation and used violence as “the cinematic language of resistance” and “emerged as an inquiry into a fallen national mythos” in the wake of the failure of American industrial capitalism.

The implementation of the Hays Code in 1934 ended the gangster film boom in the mid-1930s. The Hays Code sought to censor depictions of overt violence and sexuality,  and censors feared that the depiction of the criminal antihero who resorts to organized crime to take from capitalists would serve as too much of a role model to a nation that, in the wake of the crash and Depression, had already turned on conservative political values, as described by Hanson Philip as “…a new disgust for leadership, it was business leaders, and especially the bankers and stock speculators, a group notable for their conservatism, who early in the 1930s caught the main force of the nation’s ire.”  

This public hostility towards bankers and businessmen also coincided with a robust labor movement, one that sought to organize support for industrial unionization and mass participation in strikes and protests during the 1930s. The crime films produced during the Depression-era gave credence to the audience’s notions of resistance, especially to the political powers that had destroyed the economy. The Popular Front movement that became synonymous with labor-rights and strikes was intertwined with a blossoming creative movement in art culture, in what Michael Denning calls “The Cultural Front.” Although by the late 1930s the gangster film had been phased out, the core themes and elements, namely the anti-authoritarian attitude towards power and the protagonist without a moral code, were manifested in a new iteration of crime film: the prewar “emergent” or early noir.

These early noirs capitalized on the notions of social and economic despair that the gangster film had previously established. Despite the influence gangster films had on the eventual formation of film noir, as they aren’t typically aren’t considered “noir” films. The early noir films of the late 1930s and early 1940s appropriated the themes of desolation and criminality and shifted the focus from the gangsters of the organized underworld and onto the alienated everyman, suggesting that engaging in criminal acts in the face of economic desperation was not exclusive to the flashy mobsters of the pre-code era. These noir films such as They Drove by Night (1940) and High Sierra (1941) recast the criminal protagonist not as a murderous mobster, but instead as a conventional citizen forced into crime by necessity. According to Winfield Fluck in Crime, Guilt and Subjectivity in Film Noir:

Both gangster film and film noir deal with crime. However, there is one major difference. In film noir, the crime is no longer committed by a “professional” criminal but by an “ordinary” citizen who is drawn- or appears to have been drawn- into crime by accident or some strange, unforeseen combination of factors.

This new Depression-era protagonist in early film noir is often depicted as isolated and hardened, often working class, and usually resentful of the corrupt nature of authoritative entities. Though these protagonists operate without a moral code, they are presented to the audience as sympathetic figures that yearn for upward economic mobility. This is best exemplified by the characters portrayed by Humphrey Bogart from the late 1930s-1940s, most notably in They Drove by Night, in which George Raft and Bogart play overworked, poverty-stricken truck drivers desperate for money. In assessing the social and political subtext of the broken protagonist, film essayist Andrea Mattacheo writes that the aim of early noir was to

…make the nation feel understood through a shared imagination of failure, radical and disturbing images in which defeat, and breakdown were not represented as sins to make amends for; an imagination in which losers weren’t to be stigmatized but to be understood, since they were just men and women defeated by an unfair system. Like the great part of the American people after 1929.

The characters featured personas and qualities rooted in Depression-era social phenomena that novelist Sherwood Anderson called the “pervasive sense of failure in the wake of the loss of ‘dignified work.’” However, as Mattacheo also points out, these films did not limit their depictions of economic turmoil to the impoverished. Films like Orson Welles’ Citizen Kane (1941) and its follow-up The Magnificent Ambersons (1942) are stories of weKalthy characters that appear as isolated and alienated as the drifters and criminals typically portrayed in film noir. Prior to the production of Citizen Kane, Welles had emerged from the progressive Cultural Front movement of the 1930s with his Federal Theatre Project (FTP).

 In the 80 years since its release, Citizen Kane has been heralded not only a landmark artistic and cinematic achievement, but also as perhaps the most complete example of pre-war noir, with its nod to the German Expressionist-inspired dark shadows and minimal lighting, which had been absent in the early gangster films and slowly phased into noir in the late 1930s. Both Kane and Ambersons showcase characters that occupy the same world of Depression era despair and economic turmoil seen in earlier Depression films. Kane presents the story of Charles Foster Kane, a stand-in for the real-life business tycoon William Randolph Hearst, whose emotional downfall amidst his fortune spoke to the notions of loss and isolation felt by prewar moviegoing audiences. Similarly, Ambersons deals with the familial pitfalls of the Ambersons, whose vast fortune dwindles at the dawn of the automobile era.

As the early noir period moved in the 1940s, the last subgenre of early noir was formed: the hard-boiled private detective film. This genre was based on the works of 1930s crime writers like Raymond Chandler (Farewell, My Lovely, The Big Sleep, The High Window) and James M. Cain (The Postman Always Rings Twice, Mildred Pierce) and best exemplified by films like The Maltese Falcon (1941), The Glass Key (1942), Murder, My Sweet (1944) and Double Indemnity (1944). Although postwar detectives were generally depicted as being one class above their clients, the detectives of the prewar and wartime years exuded a Depression-era working class sensibility, as seen in The Maltese Falcon and Murder, My Sweet. Here, the private detectives share the same alienation and post-Depression dismay for society that the working-class criminals embodied in the films of the late 1930s. They see the detective world as a dark “business,” one that pits them against criminal capitalists (such as the Cairo and Gutman characters who are searching for the Falcon in The Maltese Falcon), as well as corrupt authoritative entities (The police officers in Murder, My Sweet). In the works of Raymond Chandler that were adapted for the screen in the early 1940s, the antagonists are presented as upper-class, often wealthy and entirely corrupt and authoritative, channeling the resentment towards depictions of the wealthy that had been so prevalent immediately after the stock market crash. By the end of World War II, noir films had begun to assume the political and social contexts that would become synonymous with the Atomic age and anti-communist ideology. The economic factors that had shaped the noir genre in the 1930s and early 1940s had slowly dissipated from noir cinema, as America’s wartime economy boom had put millions back to work and the labor consciousness of the 1930s was replaced by hostile anti-labor attitudes, instigated by the House Committee on Un-American Activities (HUAC) attacks on unions in the late 1940s and early 1950s. 

Though the focus of noir films shifted from the Depression era themes to those of America’s Cold War climate, these films of the 1930s and 1940s provided a depiction of the economic and social fears that audiences expressed after the financial collapse, while also reflecting the public sentiment that America’s financial and political structure had failed the working-class population.

Works Cited

Broe, Dennis. “Class, Crime, and Film Noir: Labor, the Fugitive Outsider, and the Anti-Authoritarian Tradition.” Social Justice, vol. 30, no. 1 (91), 2003, pp. 22–41.

Broe, Dennis. Film Noir, American Workers and Postwar Hollywood. Univ. Press of Florida, 2010.

Butsch, Richard. “American Movie Audiences of the 1930s.” International Labor and Working-Class History, no. 59, 2001, pp. 106–120.

Callow, Simon. Orson Welles: The Road to Xanadu. Penguin, 2006.

Denning, Michael. The Cultural Front: The Laboring of American Culture in the Twentieth Century. Verso, 1996.

Dinerstein, Joel. “‘Emergent Noir’: Film Noir and the Great Depression in ‘High Sierra’ (1941) and ‘This Gun for Hire’ (1942).” Journal of American Studies, vol. 42, no. 3, 2008, pp. 415–448.

Fluck, Winfried. “Crime, Guilt, and Subjectivity in ‘Film Noir.’” American Studies, vol. 46, no. 3, 2001, pp. 379–408.

Gandini, Leonardo. “Crime as Business.” History of Economic Ideas, vol. 22, no. 3, 2014, pp. 159–165.

Hanson, Philip. “The Arc of National Confidence and the Birth of Film Noir, 1929—1941.” Journal of American Studies, vol. 42, no. 3, 2008, pp. 387–414.

Hare, William. Pulp Fiction to Film Noir: The Great Depression and the Development of a Genre. Kindle Edition, McFarland, 2012. 

House, Rebecca R. “Night of the Soul: American Film Noir”. Studies in Popular Culture, vol. 9, no. 1, 1986, pp. 61–83.

Lott, Eric. “The Whiteness of Film Noir.” American Literary History, vol. 9, no. 3, 1997, pp. 542–566.

Mattacheo, Andrea. “Shadows of Forgotten Men. Film ‘Noir’ and the Great Depression’s Imagination: ‘Murder, My Sweet.’” History of Economic Ideas, vol. 22, no. 3, 2014, pp. 167–177.

Ross, Alex. “The Shadow: Orson Welles at a Hundred.” The New Yorker, 30 Nov. 2015. 

Categories
Media, Wealth, & Poverty in Post-War America

Class on Social Values: Individualism and Collectivism in Three Reagan Era Blockbusters

Nathan Niehaus

Ronald Reagan entered office in January of 1981 facing a longstanding economic crisis, characterized by stagflation and rising unemployment. In his inaugural address, Reagan presented a diagnosis of the calamity, hinted at a plan of action to overcome it, and projected a vision of future prosperity and national renewal. Half a century before, Franklin D. Roosevelt had responded to the miseries of the Great Depression by expanding the role of the government in the everyday life of citizens, endowing it with a new role as caretaker. He created new agencies and programs which together established the New Deal welfare state. Reagan took a drastically different approach to national economic hardship. “In this present crisis,” he asserted, “government is not the solution to our problem: government is the problem.” 

If government was the problem, then what was the solution? In direct contrast to what he saw as a bloated, intrusive, and stifling bureaucracy, Reagan presented the ideal of the free, enterprising, creative individual. He evoked an exalted national past which he aspired to revive, an America whose flourishing was animated by the spirit of individualism:

If we look to the answer as to why, for so many years, we achieved so much, prospered as no other people on Earth, it was because here, in this land, we unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to a greater extent than has ever been done before. Freedom and the dignity of the individual have been more available and assured here than in any other place on Earth.

Appealing to a transcendent American “we,” Reagan negated other possibilities of collective formation and action for groups centered around class, race, and gender. What’s more, what distinguishes this “we,” for him, is an individualism marked by ‘negative’ liberty, or freedom from restraint (in economic terms, free-market capitalism). As opposed to a collectivist understanding that places communal interest and identity above the desires of any one person, this view identifies anything beyond oneself as a mere limitation, something that gets in the way or holds one back. Reagan promoted a vision of the world where all significant action or toil fundamentally took place at the individual level, as did all true success and all due earning. This was a world where, with the government out of the way, every American citizen would have a fair and equal opportunity to build his or her own wealth, where the “unfettered, hardworking entrepreneur…living by the inexorable market laws of supply and demand, either fail[ed] the test or ma[de] a fortune.” It was a world where heroes were not confined to the movie screen, nor were they hard to find: great in number (though their greatness lay not in their numbers), they walked the streets of America every day.

Drawing on his long career as a Hollywood actor, the president expressed this ideology with romantic flourish. Indeed, if Reagan channeled his experience in the movies to dramatize these ideas, individualism featured on the silver screen as well. What do the major movies of the 1980s have to say about Reagan-era individualism? This essay answers this question by considering three Hollywood blockbusters, roughly spanning Reagan’s presidency: Rocky III (1982), Silkwood (1984), and Wall Street (1987). It pays attention to the role of class and how it informs each film’s position on the issue. In their depictions of the wealthy and the working class, how and to what extent do these movies affirm or challenge this individualist ethos? What particular meanings do they attribute to it? What do their representations of solitary struggle and/or communal solidarity suggest about American society at the time? 

Given the many layers of meaning associated with individualism (see Table 1), it’s impossible to claim any single version as definitive. While these movies’ articulations are not identical, we will see that they often overlap. Furthermore, many aspects of individualism involve an opposition to a collectivist value system. Thus I will also gauge how some form of collectivism appears in these movies, implicitly or explicitly. Beginning with a strident celebration and ending with a scathing critique of Reaganist individualism, we will see that even the most skeptical of these films attest to the powerful grip of this ideology in the 1980s.

Table 1.

Some elements of individualism I will be looking for in these movies
(note that some of these include opposition to collective ideals):
A. A belief in self-reliance and self-interest, often with an opposition to relying on anyone but oneself.
B. Conversely, a denial of obligation or duty towards anyone but oneself. 
C. A belief in the individual as the fundamentally meaningful social unit.
D. A belief in the individual as the fundamental source of action; the denial of collective action.
E. Heroization of the individual; in economic form, heroization of the self-made man/woman, or lone entrepreneur.
F. In economic form, a belief in “money meritocracy,” or the idea that the economy is an even playing field where individuals prove their worth. This view identifies wealth with success and with moral merit.

Rocky III

The third installment of the Rocky series arrived in 1982 and became the highest grossing movie in the series up to that point. In it, Rocky Balboa fittingly finds himself with more wealth than he has ever had. His life is unrecognizable from what it had been in the original Rocky, when he worked as a loan-shark’s debt collector while earning practically nothing as an amateur boxer. He has gained fame and fortune. Leather jacket and jeans have been traded for finely tailored suits. He has left his blue-collar Philadelphia neighborhood and brought his wife (Adrien) and trainer (Mickey) with him. The three of them, along with the couple’s child, now live in a lavish mansion, decked out with grand paintings, glass chandeliers, and expensive furniture. Rocky’s is a bonafide rags-to-riches success story. Meanwhile, his old friend and brother-in-law Paulie has seen no improvement in his economic standing. An early scene depicts Paulie’s sense of frustration at his immobility in comparison to Rocky’s success. A long night of drinking is followed by an interaction with a bartender who seems less interested in the man himself than in his connections to Rocky. Paulie wanders off into an arcade, nursing a half-pint of whiskey. Suddenly finding himself before a Rocky-themed pinball machine, he reaches the breaking point: he hurls his bottle at the arcade fixture in a jealous rage. 

In the next scene, Rocky collects his hungover, half-drunk friend from a jail cell, and the conversation that follows clearly illustrates the film’s individualistic core. Paulie berates the boxer for neglecting to share any of his newfound wealth or offer him a job. He feels that his past good deeds towards Rocky (which he exaggerates) have gone unrepaid. He takes off a watch Rocky had gifted him and throws it on the ground. Rocky responds, “You talk like everybody owes you a living! Nobody owes nobody nothing. You owe yourself.” (WATCH 2:05-3:06)

It is necessary to take a step back from the story and reflect on the scene’s basic elements to grasp the cultural “work” it performs. We have here what are basically two moral positions, one of which is collectivist, stressing social obligations, and the other of which is individualist, arguing for self-reliance. Who embodies these positions? Rocky is a self-made man, a heroic underdog from humble beginnings who overcame the odds to achieve success (in the boxing ring, a metaphor for the playing-field of life, and in material terms). Paulie, on the other hand, is an envious and crude friend hurling insults and accusations. Rocky isn’t too far off when he calls his friend “a jealous, lazy bum.” But by giving Rocky and Paulie these two moral positions, Rocky III identifies the positions with these characters: heroic economic individualism takes the moral high ground, while the argument for social obligations appears as a cheap way of masking one’s own envy and lack of will-power and self-discipline to go out in the world and work hard for an honest living.

The Rocky series was individualist from the start. The very genre of the boxing-movie focuses on two individuals struggling to triumph within the ring. And Rocky, of course, has become a legendary example of the underdog story, another genre which lends itself to heroic expressions of individual worth. The success of the first Rocky–released during the presidency of Jimmy Carter who, in contrast to Reagan’s vision of abundance, stressed the need to ‘cut back’ and frugally accept economic limitations–demonstrates that such stories were equally inspiring prior to Reagan’s particular promotion of individualism.

However, the differences between the two films are instructive, and they reflect different individualist ideals between these two presidencies. Whereas the original film romanticized the working class, Rocky III romanticizes the self-made economic success story. Rocky isn’t rewarded with a stable fortune for his struggles until the third film. The first movie displays a self-esteem battered by economic hardship: Rocky hopes that by enduring a match with the legendary Apollo Creed, he can prove to himself that he’s not “just another bum from the neighborhood.” (WATCH 3:40-4:10). Acquiring a fortune has nothing to do with proving this in the first film. Yet in the third, his wealth has become that proof, distinguishing him from the “jealous, lazy bum” Paulie. As the scholar Chris Jordan observes, this shift between the films reflects a new focus on upward social mobility as a proof of individual right to socioeconomic privileges. If the working class still forms any part of Rocky’s identity, it is only in the sense of “where [he] came from” (something Rocky’s new trainer, Apollo Creed, constantly reminds him to remember WATCH 0:46-0:52). But “where [he] came from” does not matter to him as a hometown community: he is no longer a member of this collective. Rather, for Rocky III, the boxer’s origins mean a tough condition that he rose above, by his own hard work, just as he climbed up the socioeconomic ladder. 

Silkwood

Set in Oklahoma, Silkwood is a working class drama about a woman’s efforts to combat the exploitation and corruption of her employer, a nuclear fuel production plant. With a limited release in late 1983 and wide release in early 1984, the movie is based on events which took place a decade earlier and generated a public controversy over the years: Karen Silkwood was a labor union activist who died in a mysterious car crash on her way to deliver evidence of corporate malpractice to a New York Times reporter. Her story first entered the public spotlight following her death, and it reappeared regularly as a result of lawsuits brought against the company, Kerr McGee, which eventually reached the Supreme Court. By the late 1970s, Karen Silkwood had become an icon for anti-nuclear and feminist groups who invoked her name in their protests. 

The premise and themes of the film lend themselves perfectly to a collectivist critique of the idea of money meritocracy: a woman joins her company union in order to fight against the corporation’s exploitation of her working-class community. Arguably, the logic behind labor unions is that, due to the unequal power of the rich over the poor, workers need to join together in solidarity to negotiate for more equitable working conditions. However, the movie suffers from a paradoxical mixture of individualism and collectivism. Unlike Rocky III, no central characters exemplify individualism (and certainly not of the economic variety). Rather, the movie itself is structured by it: Silkwood derives its meaning through the celebration of an individual, without dedicating space to an exploration of the meaning or significance of her struggle. As a result, the film’s initially collectivist message remains half-baked.  

Silkwood’s conflict emerges as Karen Silkwood comes to appreciate the grave threats to health posed by the plutonium she and her coworkers handle. The company had played down these dangers, but after Karen’s middle-aged friend gets exposed and undergoes a traumatizing emergency shower, her suspicions grow (WATCH). Then Karen discovers that her company has been shipping faulty and potentially deadly plutonium rods to their buyers in order to fulfill a contract deadline. After this discovery, she gets more involved in the union, joining its negotiating committee and even flying to Washington for a meeting with the national union. The national representatives assign her to dig up documented evidence of this malpractice, which they could share with a New York Times reporter for an exposé. She also begins keeping a notebook of employee mistreatment. 

Yet her work for the collective good is overpowered by forces in the film that single her out. Her coworkers (including her boyfriend Drew and close friend Dolly), with whom she shared a harmonious relationship in the beginning, grow increasingly hostile towards her due to her union work. They treat her coldly and occasionally confront her directly. Dolly calls the national union representative an “outside agitator.” Another coworker accuses her of failing to scan herself for radiation, angrily shouting, “I hope you write it down in your little notebook every time you don’t [monitor yourself]. Along with the stuff about the rest of us!” It is as though she were the workers’ adversary, not their advocate. Others jibe at her trip to Washington, implying that she has taken on her activism out of vanity, thinking herself better than everyone else. 

All of these accusations grant Karen an opportunity to justify herself, to respond that she wants to work for the collective good. Yet she never does. Besides a private conversation with her boyfriend (whom she asks, “You don’t give a shit if everyone in the plant is being poisoned?”),  Karen never explicitly connects her union work with a desire to achieve communal wellbeing. Her activism continues to set her apart, to individuate her. The effect is amplified by the fact that the movie’s subject matter is not so much Karen’s activism, but Karen herself (consider the movie’s name). It presents her as a lone, embattled figure opposing ominous forces bigger than herself. In this sense, she shares similarities with Rocky: hers is an underdog story, but without the happy ending. The film makes her out to be a charmingly naive idealist, and the many unanswered arguments made against her seem to prevail in the end.

One review perceptively called Silkwood a “tissue” of “contradictory implications.” How do we explain these contradictions? The reviewer attributes it to the movie’s basis on a true story whose details were surrounded by controversy and multiple court cases: “rarely has the desperation to square inspirational myth with provable, nonlibelous reportage been more apparent.” 

In addition to these pressures, I would argue that the answer lies in the film’s intended audience. As noted above, by 1978 Silkwood had already been made into an icon by anti-nuclear groups and some women’s rights activists (both largely represented by the middle-class). This association was not lost on one angry male reviewer, who cavalierly derided Silkwood for what he called “prefab antinuke, profeminist rhetoric.” Though aimed at a broader audience, the film was certainly made with these publics in mind, particularly the growing antinuclear crowd. This perhaps helps to explain Silkwood’s emphasis on an individual’s story over communal values, as well as its emphasis on the dangers of nuclear energy over the evils of class-based exploitation. Moreover, the movie’s release (1984) came at a time of falling union membership and rising anti-union sentiment. It came three years after President Reagan famously crushed the PATCO (Professional Air Traffic Controllers Organization) strike of over twelve thousand federal employees. Just as unions were losing strength and popularity, the anti-nuclear movement never managed to garner much support from organized labor. All of this serves to suggest why the film’s producers were more concerned with reproducing Silkwood as an iconic, martyred individual than as a participant in class struggle. 

Wall Street

Wall Street goes further than Silkwood, delivering a scathing critique of unbridled economic individualism. The film centers on Bud Fox, an aspiring stockbroker taken under the wing of Wall Street veteran Gordon Gekko. Bud’s gradual seduction into Gekko’s shady exploits contrasts with the ideals of another figure in his life–his father Carl Fox, a laborer and union leader at Blue Star Airlines. Gekko and Fox represent two contrasting worldviews: ruthless individualism and loyal collectivism. These two characters provide the thematic center of the movie, and the narrative arc traces Bud’s rise as a protege under Gekko, his disillusionment to Gekko’s evil nature, his conversion to his father’s position, and an attempt at redemption.  

The film hit theaters in 1987, towards the end of Reagan’s presidency. The 1980s had witnessed the “takeover movement” on Wall Street, where “corporate raiders” would buy up a company’s stock (typically with borrowed money) and liquidate the company to pay off these debts, effectively destroying the company while turning a profit. This development on Wall Street went hand in hand with a flurry of scandals and provoked some negative reactions in the press. The takeover movement reflected Reaganist economic individualism at its worst, and Gordon Gekko, Wall Street’s villain, embodies this spirit. In fact, screenwriter Stanley Weiser largely modeled Gekko’s character on Ivan Boesky and Carl Icahn, two of the most notorious corporate raiders of the time.

Before his unmasking as a villain, Bud admires Gekko as a hero. Like Bud (and like Rocky) he came from humble beginnings: his father was an electrician. He is an outsider of sorts in the Wall Street world, as an eccentric self-made man. Gekko despises the “Harvard MBA types” who represent Wall Street’s majority: they come from ‘old money,’ and as such don’t have to earn their wealth like Gekko did. He thus presents a nuanced position on the idea of money meritocracy: while the economy doesn’t naturally distribute wealth according to individual merit, it still allows the upwardly-mobile individual to prove his merit through the accumulation of wealth. 

Gekko elaborates his vision of work and society in a series of conversations with Bud. His philosophy abounds with contradictions, a result of his cynicism and self-justification. Take again the idea of money meritocracy. He seems to discredit the idea during a limo ride with Bud, for he rejects the idea that hard work alone brings monetary success (WATCH 0:11-0:54). He illustrates the point with the example of his working-class father. Yet Gekko then goes on to assert that you are either a multimillionaire “player, or nothing.” Looking out the window, he points towards a businessman and a homeless man, saying, “Are you gonna tell me the difference between this guy and that guy is luck?” (WATCH 1:05-1:13). If Gekko doesn’t believe all the rich deserve their wealth, he does blame the poor for their poverty. As in the case of Rocky, the businessman’s wealth sets him apart from the “bum” on the street. Gekko’s massive fortune–which he invites Bud to emulate–reflects his absolute superiority: a player, or nothing. 

Wall Street attacks this ideology, and it does so implicitly (most famously in Gekko’s “Greed is Good” speech) before Bud comes to his senses. Until then, Bud drinks it up. Meanwhile, Bud’s father represents an alternative, collectivist viewpoint. It is with this position that the film’s sympathies lie. Leader of his airline company’s maintenance workers’ union, he devotes himself to his men, with whom he identifies and sympathizes. His communal, class-based sympathies shine through when he tells his son: “Fare wars are killing us. Management’s gonna lay off five of my men this week. There’s nothing I can do about it.” Carl feels a moral duty to defend the welfare of his fellow workers, and he consistently connects this ideal to his union work, unlike Karen Silkwood.

These philosophies clash when Bud uses his dad’s connections at Blue Star Airlines to organize a meeting with its three union leaders (including his father), Gekko, and himself. Pointing out Blue Star’s ongoing losses and claiming that these will lead to bankruptcy, Bud and Gekko propose a deal: Gekko will buy up the company’s stock and install Bud as president, so that he can improve the company’s financial performance and avoid the destruction of unions that would come with bankruptcy. To make it profitable for Gekko in return, the unions would have to slash workers’ wages, which would be restored once the company began generating net profits. Unlike Bud, Carl Fox sees through Gekko, and says as much in accusation (WATCH). Carl identifies Gekko as a member of the ruling class whose riches derive from exploitation of the poor. He rejects the deal and leaves.

Humiliated, Bud runs out to apprehend his father. Though Bud conceived the deal with good intentions, Carl points out that Gekko is using him for profit. The ensuing argument reveals the father’s unswerving collectivism and the son’s arrogant economic individualism. 

Bud: What I see is a jealous old machinist who can’t stand the fact that his son’s become more successful than he has!

Carl: What you see is a guy who never measured a man’s success by the size of his wallet!

Bud: That’s because you never had the guts to go out in the world and stake your own claim!

Bud continues to press his dad to agree, who continues to resist out of responsibility to his men. “Your f****** men! All my life, your men have been able to count on you! Why is it you’ve never been there for me, huh?” In fact, Bud’s father has been there for him. But this accusation successfully guilts Carl into budging. He lets the union membership decide, and they opt for the deal.

But Carl was right: Bud soon learns that Gekko plans to liquidate Blue Star. When Bud confronts him, Gordon’s bottomless cynicism comes fully to light (WATCH 2:11-3:15). He disdainfully mocks the idea that capitalism and equality are compatible: “You’re not naive enough to think we’re livin’ in a democracy, are you buddy? It’s the free market, and you’re part of it.” In the end, Bud manages to save Blue Star through a complicated stock-market scheme. He goes to prison for insider trading, but he has redeemed himself. The film’s final comment comes from Carl, who advises Bud that the purpose of work is in giving, not gaining: “Stop going for the easy buck and produce something with your life. Create instead of living off the buying and selling of others.”

Conclusion

Rocky III, Silkwood, and Wall Street each represent a particular form of individualism and of collectivism. Considered chronologically, they show a progression from an endorsement of individualism and rejection of collectivism, to the opposite. Yet, it would be wrong to draw the conclusion that a similar shift in outlook took place within American public opinion at large. Instead, all three (in their own ways) attest to the immense appeal of individualism throughout the Reagan presidency. 

Rocky III straightforwardly affirms this ethos. In the case of Silkwood, a struggle against worker exploitation, carried out through a collective body, reduces to a celebration of a lone hero’s bravery and idealism. Indeed, the story of Karen Silkwood had been given this meaning in the public sphere–in the papers and in memorials and protests–before the movie entered production. And Wall Street, despite its scathing critique of economic individualism, has had a paradoxical effect on audiences. The movie’s screenwriter regretfully reflected on this in a 2008 article, entitled “Repeat After Me: Greed is Not Good.” Over the years, young adults would tell him that the movie inspired them, and that they wanted to be like Gekko. Although Gekko stopped being a hero for Bud Fox, he remains one for many to this day. This enduring audience reaction leads us to conclude that Wall Street’s case for collectivism ultimately succumbs to the allure of heroic individualism as embodied by Gekko and the ambitious Bud Fox.

It is primarily through their impact on and reception by audiences that films shape the societies from which they emerge. Yet audiences are not blank slates: to their engagement with a movie, viewers bring a whole cache of ideas, beliefs, and past experiences. Inasmuch as these are acquired and modified through life, they are conditioned to some extent by a particular historical context, in which any given life is situated. Americans came together with the movies reviewed above during the pivotal presidency of Ronald Reagan. At this time, economic well-being was increasingly seen as the burden of the individual. As noted in the introduction, Reagan himself promoted this perception, in direct opposition to the tradition of state activism for the alleviation of poverty. This fading paradigm, established by FDR, rested on an acknowledgement of social responsibility for poverty, utilizing government channels to fulfill that duty. The individualism on display in Rocky III, Silkwood, and Wall Street reflected and reinforced a trend towards denial of that responsibility. Rocky, perhaps, captured this attitude best, when he said, “Nobody owes nobody nothing. You owe yourself.”

Bibliography

Avildsen, John G, dir. Rocky. 1976; Santa Monica, CA: MGM Home Entertainment, 2004. DVD.

Berlin, Isaiah, Henry Hardy, and Ian Harris. Liberty: Incorporating Four Essays on Liberty. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002.

Farber, Henry and Bruce Western. “Ronald Reagan and the Politics of Declining Union Organization.” British Journal of Industrial Relations 40, no. 3 (September 2002): 385-401.

Ho, Karen. Liquidated: An Ethnography of Wall Street. Durham: Duke University Press, 2009.

Immerwahr, Daniel. “Growth vs. the Climate” Dissent, Spring 2015.

Jordan, Chris. Movies and the Reagan Presidency: Success and Ethics. Westport: Praeger, 2003.

Joppke, Christian. Mobilizing Against Nuclear Energy: A Comparison of Germany and the United States. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993.

McCartin, Joseph.  Collision Course: Ronald Reagan, the Aircraft Controllers, and the Strike that Changed America. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011.

Nichols, Mike, dir. Silkwood. 1984; Santa Monica, CA: MGM Home Entertainment, 2003. DVD.

Orleck, Annelise and Lisa Gayle Hazirjian, eds. The War on Poverty: A New Grassroots History, 1964-1980. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2011.

Reagan, Ronald. “First Inaugural Address.” Speech, Washington DC, January 20, 1981. The Avalon Project, https://avalon.law.yale.edu/20th_century/reagan1.asp

Richards, Lawrence. “Union Free and Proud: America’s Anti-Union Culture and the Decline of Organized Labor.” Dissertation. University of Virginia. 2004.

Stallone, Sylvester, dir. Rocky III. 1982; Santa Monica, CA: MGM.

Stone, Oliver, dir. Wall Street. 1987; New York, NY: Twentieth Century Fox. 

Tompkins, Jane P. Sensational Designs: The Cultural Work of American Fiction, 1790-1860. New York: Oxford University Press, 1986.

Wilentz, Sean. The Age of Reagan: A History, 1974-2008. New York: HarperCollins, 2008. 

Categories
Media, Wealth, & Poverty in Post-War America

Film Portrayals of Wealth and Poverty in Undocumented Immigration

Jared Brooks

Films produced in both Mexico and the United States have explored the concept of traveling to the U.S. as an undocumented immigrant from both economic and social perspectives. The themes they addressed, similar to academic works on the history of undocumented migration, focused predominantly on community, economic opportunities, and the ways in which immigrant communities adjust to ideas about the American dream. Movies serve as one of the few means of diffusing key issues on wealth and poverty in undocumented immigration to transnational audiences. Films made through collaborations between production companies in the U.S. and Mexico such as Ya No Estoy Aquí (2019) and Sin Nombre (2009) have been provided to audiences via paid subscription streamers such as Netflix and Amazon. These films were then dubbed or subtitled in a variety of languages in attempts to make them accessible to wide audiences. Spanish-language films produced in the U.S. on undocumented immigration, such as El Norte (1983), also portrayed similar economic ideas about success which are interwoven with individuals in the films fleeing violence, poverty, and political strife. The films El Norte, Sin Nombre, and Ya No Estoy Aquí all swirl around the struggles of impoverished undocumented immigrants to make it in the United States. Each relies upon a rigid characterization of undocumented migrants as devoted to their hometowns, patiently absorbing economic exploitation, and attempting to reconcile economic exploitation with an unobtainable American dream.

Released to American Audiences in 1984, El Norte portrays a brother and sister traveling from Guatemala together to the United States. For many U.S. viewers, it was their first experience with a story of undocumented immigration from the perspective of those migrating. The plot of El Norte begins with Rosa and Enrique Xuncax, siblings in a Guatemalan Mayan family who encounter political violence in their village. The film focused specifically on tensions between the military government of Guatemala and laborers. Their father speaks to Enrique about the wealthy coming to Guatemala (though not specifying from where) and taking advantage of the land by exploiting the workers, who are treated as “just a pair of arms.” A military raid on the village leaves their father dead and mother arrested, and Rosa and Enrique, fearing for their own lives, decide they must flee Guatemala. Part two of the film focuses specifically on their travels through Mexico, encountering both helpful strangers and individuals critical of their Mayan heritage. Their economic situation also becomes harsher as they struggle to find the money for someone to smuggle them across the border. The third and final section of the film delves into the complexities that Enrique and Rosa discover as undocumented migrants in the United States, including issues of healthcare, employment, and the cost of living. In addition to its vivid cinematography, the enduring popularity of El Norte emerged from the pertinence of Rosa and Enrique’s experiences to every generation of undocumented communities. Both El Norte and Sin Nombre demonstrate the challenges to survive as an undocumented immigrant. Rosa, for example, dies from an infection she contracted after being afraid to go to a hospital and risk being deported to Guatemala. She works as long as she is able to, recalling the words of her mother: “they told us that in the north you could make a lot of money, but they never told us you had to spend so much.” The images of an idealized suburban home her neighbor described to her start to fade with the reality of wealth and poverty she begins to experience. 

The release of Sin Nombre by director Cary Fukunaga introduced American audiences to a unique hybrid of documentary and storyline on the relationship between a former gang member named Willy and a migrant woman from Honduras named Sayra. The interconnected themes between El Norte and Sin Nombre have been noted by Yajaira M. Padilla, demonstrating how both films address the issue of “Central American Non-belonging” experienced by immigrants from El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala to the United States. Director Fukunaga took a different approach towards Sin Nombre by following firsthand a train from southern Mexico towards the U.S. border, aptly nicknamed “the beast” by migrants who travel on it. Fukunaga intertwined his narrative of Willy and Sayra with the experiences of the migrants on the train and demonstrated a clear binary of wealth and poverty to U.S. audiences. The plot of Willie focuses on him fleeing from the gang he is involved in, Mara Salvatrucha, colloquially referred to as MS-13, a notorious gang with roots in both Los Angeles, California, and El Salvador. Sayra, on the same train, is leaving Honduras with several of her family members while she comes to befriend Willie. The fictional narrative of Sayra and Willie, filled with gang violence, robbery, a lack of food and water, and an economically unsustainable situation was complemented by the real experiences of both migrants and Mexican residents who live along the path of the beast; some of the residents ostracized the ‘poorer’ migrants from Central America, while others offered whatever wealth and resources they had to those traveling on the beast. The experiences of migrants from Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala are portrayed in films as a synthesis of staying financially afloat while being subjected to a new transnational identity in Mexico, in which the entire nation becomes “an extended border zone.” 

For U.S. audiences, films such as El Norte and Sin Nombre were made by their writers and directors to challenge rhetoric towards migrant communities deemed as either unworthy of economic success or the creators of their own poverty. These films also attempted to dispel a certain trope; the idea that “America is upheld as a nation to be loved and coveted by immigrants, who, if good to America, will be loved in return.” Ultimately, “the road and the final destination are the very sites of the continuous re-inscription of hegemonic norms and not a liberation from them.”  The experiences of economic exploitation are not applicable solely to Central American migrants. Why then, was the film focus predominantly on undocumented immigrants from El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala? Certain authors have provided insights into how these communities in the U.S. shape associations with wealth and poverty. The storylines from Central American migrants touched on the transnational significance of that journey when migrants arrive in the United States. At the time Sin Nombre was released to American audiences, 68% of Honduran immigrants living in the U.S. were undocumented. Beginning in the early 1990s, many migrants from El Salvador arrived as either undocumented immigrants or as refugees. With the influx of Salvadoran migrants to Los Angeles, California, much of the U.S. media rhetoric on both refugees and undocumented migrants associated these communities only with deportations, gang violence, and poverty. As Elana Zilberg argues, the rhetoric that intertwined undocumented migrants with deportation and poverty “treated poverty as an individual pathology rather than as a consequence of the socioeconomic exclusion immanent in the economic system itself.” Films such as Sin Nombre shifted the focus away from individual poverty pathology towards larger socioeconomic structures. In Sin Nombre, it was neither Sayra nor Willy who were responsible for their own poverty, but nor was it the person robbing them either. For U.S. audiences, the issue of who to blame for poverty became a complicated issue. What was certain was that, in each of these films, the individual was not to blame for situations that were portrayed as inevitable. Main characters had to, instead, undergo a shift in their own identities to adjust to surviving the American dream. Films like Sin Nombre displayed the relationship between wealth, poverty, and the development of “this new transnational identity” produced by the clashing of a triple-border crossing with what was supposed to be an American promise for economic opportunity. The transnational dynamics of migrants on ‘the beast’ force a renegotiation of identity as well, in which the least poor are the most powerful while instances of solidarity between various migrants on top of the train sharing food, praying, and talking with each other are occasional opportunities to bridge national and class divisions. 

The overview of wealth and poverty in the United States amongst undocumented immigrant communities normally did not include the physical crossing of the border itself. Of these three films, El Norte is the only film in which the actual crossing is a significant act. While the storyline of Sin Nombre focuses predominantly on the dynamics of wealth and poverty relative to both the travels of migrants and their arrival in the United States, Ya No Estoy Aquí delves into the life of a teenager from northern Mexico living undocumented in Queens, New York City. The film, made in Mexico by director Fernando Frías de la Parra and released to American audiences under the name “I’m No Longer Here,” provides a more immediate and direct context of what wealth and poverty look like for a teenager making attempts to reconcile his new life alone with his memories, hobbies, and family of his home in Monterrey. The story is about a seventeen-year-old named Ulises, who has to flee Monterrey after being caught in the middle of a violent misunderstanding between two rival gangs and putting his entire family at risk. He arrives in the United States, more secure of his physical safety but unsure of his ability to find work and be economically secure. The portrayals of Ulises, who attempts to bridge his economic challenges with his desire to return home, are expressed through his interactions with other Mexican and Colombian immigrants who offer words of advice. One of them, acknowledging his challenges, states “but in this country, you’re not the first nor the last.” Similar to instances from El Norte and Sin Nombre, this single phrase is interconnected with Yajaira M. Padilla’s description of being “subsumed within the ranks of an exploitable and invisible labor force” and Zilberg’s refutation of individual poverty pathology. 

For each main character in the films, they must ultimately choose between economic security and physical safety. Enrique, in El Norte, must decide between taking a well-paying job in Chicago or being with his sister in Los Angeles while she is gravely ill. Sayra contacts distant acquaintances in New Jersey to establish herself in the United States, but loses all of her company on the beast, including her friend Willie. Ulises, unable to achieve economic security and feeling isolated while living alone in Queens, ultimately returns to Monterrey despite the physical danger it puts him in. Not all undocumented immigration experiences involve this rigid dichotomy between physical and economical security. However, these films did attempt to make a clear argument to their audiences; economic exploitation and uncertainty could be as intimidating as instances of physical violence. The threats of economic instability are absorbed by characters such as Rosa, who has her view of well-kept lawns with sprinklers, waxed cars in a driveway, and the Good Housekeeping magazines of her godmother more gradually shattered while, simultaneously, the nostalgia of her hometown erodes away when she accepts she cannot return home as an accused political dissident. Ultimately, these characters are portrayed as either having to bend under the economic exploitation they endure or return to the hometowns they fled. The lived experiences of undocumented immigrants cannot always be reduced to that ultimatum. These films did portray how a lack of citizenship created fewer opportunities for economic security. They attempted to dispel the myth of individual poverty pathology that was projected onto undocumented immigrants, heavily popularized in the 1990s that blamed each individual migrant for their own economic problems. 

Bibliography:  

Ettinger, Patrick. Imaginary Lines: Border Enforcement and the Origins of Undocumented Immigration, 1882-1930. University of Texas Press: Austin, Texas (2009) 

Frías de la Parra, Fernando, dir. Ya No Estoy Aquí, 2019. Panorama Global, PPW Films, distributed through Netflix (2019). 

Fukunaga, Cary, dir. Sin Nombre, 2009; Mexico City, Mexico: Focus Features LLC.  

González, JesusÁngel. “New Frontiers for Post-Western Cinema: Frozen River, Sin Nombre, Winter’s Bone.” Western American Literature: A Journal of Literary, Cultural, and Place Studies. The University of Nebraska Press: Volume 50, Number 1, (Spring, 2015) 

Maciel, David. El Norte: The U.S.-Mexican Border in Contemporary Cinema. Institute for Regional Studies of the Californias. San Diego State University: San Diego, California (1990) 

Nava, Gregory, dir. El Norte. 1983; Tijuana, Mexico and San Diego, California, USA: PBS American Playhouse. Archived edition (2017) 

Oliviero, Katie E. “Sensational Nation and the Minutemen: Gendered Citizenship and Moral Vulnerabilities” Signs, Vol. 36, No. 3, pp. 679-706. The University of Chicago Press (2011) 

Padilla, Yajaira M. “Central American Non-belonging: Reading ‘El Norte’ in Cary Fukunaga’s Sin Nombre. The Latin American Road Movie: Edited by Verónica Garibotto and Jorge Pérez. Palgrave Macmillan US (2016) 

Padilla, Yajaira M. “The Central American Transnational Imaginary: Defining the Transnational and Gendered Contours of Central American Immigrant Experience.” Latino Studies 11.2: pp.150-66 (2013) 

Zilberg, Elana. Space of Detention: The Making of a Transnational Gang Crisis Between Los Angeles and San Salvador. Duke University Press: Durham (2011) 

Select articles from The New York Times and The Washington Post attached below:

https://www.nytimes.com/2017/10/20/movies/dreamers-undocumented-immigrants-hollywood.html

https://www.nytimes.com/roomfordebate/2012/11/15/how-immigrants-come-to-be-seen-as-americans/tv-and-film-have-mixed-portrayals-of-immigrants

https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/05/26/AR2006052600393.html

Categories
Golden Age Hollywood

Representations of Wealth & Poverty in Depression-Era Hollywood

By Nora Thomas

For this podcast, I spoke with Dr. Jacqueline Reich, a Communications professor at Fordham University specializing in Film History, Star Studies, and Italian and Italian-American Cinema. My survey of Depression-Era films included:

The Public Enemy (1931)

Gold Diggers of 1933 (1933)

She Done Him Wrong (1933)

It Happened One Night (1934)

My Man Godfrey (1936)

Modern Times (1936)

Stella Dallas (1937)

Holiday (1938)

Works Cited:

Bergman, Andrew. We’re in the Money: Depression America and Its Films. New York: New York University Press, 1971.

Cohen, Harvey G. Who’s in the Money? : The Great Depression Musicals and Hollywood’s New Deal. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2018.

Horak, Laura. “Modernity, Sexuality, Cinema: Early Twentieth Century Transformations,” in Modernities and Moderization in North America, ed. by Ilka Brasch and Ruth Mayer. Heidelberg: Universitätsverlag Winter, 2019.

Sharot, Stephen. “Social class in female star personas and the cross-class romance formula in Depression-era America.” Screen. 2015, Vol. 56, No. 2., pp. 172-194.

Sharot, Stephen. “Wealth and/or Love: Class and Gender in the Cross-class Romance Films of the Great Depression.” Journal of American Studies. February 2013, Vol. 47, No. 1., pp. 89-108.

Shurlock, Geoffrey. “The Motion Picture Production Code,” in The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. Vol. 254, 1947. pp. 140-146.

Verba, Sidney and Kay Lehman Schlozman. “Unemployment, Class Consciousness, and Radical Politics: What Didn’t Happen in the Thirties.” The Journal of Politics. May 1977, Vol. 39, No. 2, pp. 291-323.

Jacqueline Reich. Interview with the author. December 10th, 2020.

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